शनिवार, 9 जून 2018

Flagship Development Programmes

Flagship Development Programmes 
       The major development programmes being pursued by the present government follow the broad development pathway outlined above and closely follow the neo-liberal prescription. The Case Studies in this Booklet would make clear how the development trajectory as represented by these flagship schemes are heavily tilted towards the better-off sections and the so-called "aspirational" middle-classes i.e. those upper-income sections of the middle classes who look forward to somehow achieving living standards and amenities like those in developed countries. Unfortunately, what these sections do not fully appreciate is that the few supposedly "world class" infrastructure or facilities that are created are, in most cases, either not really up to international standards or are doomed to remain islands of prosperity in the midst of grinding poverty, deprivation and lack of access with regard to amenities and public services such as for education, health, transport and energy for cooking, lighting, cooling or heating. Can such isolated examples of infrastructure or facilities really be considered "development," if they are accessible only to a small upper-income segment and leave the rest of the population with little or no access to them? Are the rest of the population supposed to merely stare at these "wonders" from far away, and dream of some day actually being able to enjoy them? Is this really "sab ka saath, sab ka vikas" ("with all and development for all")? The Case Studies also show that huge amounts of public money are being spent on these examples of lopsided "development," while at the same time people of this country are told that there are no funds for expanding or providing quality education, or to provide health care to the masses? In all such cases, the State is rapidly withdrawing from these sectors, citing a shortage of funds, and opening the doors to the private sector including even foreign companies and multi-national corporations. Gradually even education and health are getting beyond the reach of the common man, while even the middle-classes are forced to turn towards private providers of services at ever-higher costs. Neo-liberal economics, as dictated by the advanced countries and by multi-lateral agencies such as the World Bank and the IMF, demands that even though the poor cannot afford even rudimentary
10Development for the Rich
facilities or services, existing subsidies should be withdrawn and the very idea of subsidies, even for subsistence requirements, is wrong. Yet at the very same time, there is no hesitation in extending all kinds of subsidies and support to corporations, industrialists, trading companies and the upper middle classes! It is well known, for example, that huge loans extended to private companies or prominent industrialists are lying unreturned, that massive so-called non-performing assets (NPA) which are in reality loan defaults exist and are mounting, and that such loans have often been secured through unfair means, without adequate collateral or necessary requirements. Similarly, enormous amounts of taxes are outstanding from corporations and prominent businessmen or other rich people. These are, in effect, subsidies to the rich, to the corporate class and to private companies while public expenditure for education, health and food and nutrition security is denied to the poor, lower-income groups and the toiling middle-classes. The Case Studies in this Booklet, on Bullet Trains, Smart Cities, Regional Airports etc clearly bring out how massive public funds are being spent on high-value projects which will mainly benefit upperincome groups especially in urban areas. Such "development" will only worsen the already high degree of inequality that now characterize the Indian economy and society, making it one of the most unequal societies in the world. Is this the model of development that we want for India? Is this really "sab ka vikas" that the present Government promised when it sought the mandate of the people? Is this not, in fact, development for the rich? No doubt some people will criticize the opinions expressed in this Booklet.  Those expected to benefit from such schemes will of course differ, and may not care if other sections do not benefit. But there will also be those who believe that a few show-case projects will make the Indian people proud of their nation’s achievements. And some sections of the aspirational middle-class may hope that even if only elite sections get benefits today, their own turn will come tomorrow, and soon others too will benefit. In reality, everybody knows that "trickle down" economics does not work. All over the world under neoliberalism, the rich get richer, income disparities get wider, and concentration of wealth increases. Same applies to infrastructure or facilities, those created for the rich will remain with and for the rich
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only, and will not mean that similar or comparable facilities will be available for ordinary people. The Case Studies show that the vision of "Development" being put forward is an elitist model designed to cater to and please upperincome urbanites and supposedly show the world that India is making rapid strides in economic growth, has the ability to spend vast amounts of money, and is catering to a growing upper middle-class whose substantial purchasing power should attract further foreign investment which has now become such a dominant goal of Indian economic policy.

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